Our vehicle reached the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), and we exited. It was a standard June day in D.C., enjoyable in the shade yet blazing under the sun. The breeze felt invigorating, prompting Laura Marquez-Garrett (LMG) — an attorney who uses they/them pronouns — and I to stroll around the corner to a nearby bench. We lingered outside the FTC while its workshop, “The Attention Economy: How Big Tech Firms Exploit Children and Hurt Families,” occurred within. Although we had signed up for the workshop, we opted not to participate at the last moment.

Several factors influenced our choice, mainly internal documents exposing plans for another FTC workshop that promotes anti-transgender rhetoric. This diminishes the FTC’s reputation as a nonpartisan, consumer protection body. Furthermore, at the “Attention Economy” workshop, the FTC omitted pro-industry and free market advocates, indicating that one of our nation’s essential consumer protection structures might be straying from its mission.

Americans generally oppose censorship, and this situation veered dangerously close, especially since companies like Meta, Snapchat, TikTok, Google, and Apple were not among the featured speakers at the Big Tech workshop. Free expression flourishes in transparency. The concern isn’t when industry or contrary voices speak out — it’s when they act covertly, misleading legislators behind closed doors. We require companies to articulate their cases in the public domain, where their claims can be scrutinized. Excluding Big Tech representatives from the workshop merely pushes their actions underground, where oversight disappears.

As we waited outside the FTC, our discussion turned to the challenge of achieving a goal many deem unattainable — ensuring kids’ safety online — while collaborating with an administration that frequently seems to dismiss the reality of trans lives like mine. We spoke about the rigor needed to uphold bipartisanship in this endeavor. That cooperation is vital because, right now, the only victors in our paralyzed political environment are companies such as Meta, Apple, and Snap Inc., while parents and children continue to suffer.

This isn’t a novel idea. Ralph Nader articulated in Unstoppable how coalitions across the political spectrum can effect genuine change. Division isn’t merely a victory for specific tech firms — it’s their tactic. A stagnated democracy struggles to enact significant legislation.

The most prominent kids’ online safety legislation during the last session was the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA), which would have mandated a duty of care for social media platforms in its framework. In reaction to the proposed bill, social media corporations asserted it would result in the censoring and withholding of vital resources from the LGBTQ+ community. Although the bill’s strength is clear in the bipartisan discussions that facilitated its 91-3 passage in the Senate, those at-risk communities still expressed trepidation. Incidents like the anti-trans FTC workshop only bolster those anxieties.

Inside the FTC’s “Attention Economy” workshop that we chose to skip, the event concentrated on “conservative family values” and aggressive partisanship. The Verge’s Lauren Finer reported, “Republicans are barreling toward remaking the internet” and that the invited lineup might deliver a “targeted message at the very people who had previously stood in the way of kids’ online safety reform: fellow Republicans.”

But Republicans didn’t derail KOSA. Big Tech did.

When KOSA failed to be voted on in the House of Representatives last September, LMG commented to Bloomberg that it was about “choosing Big Tech money over children.” That same article highlighted bipartisan frustration with Big Tech lobbyists misleading congressional aides. “The tech companies are doing everything they can to play both sides,” remarked Jon Schweppe of the conservative American Principles Project.

The dispute along party lines only endangers children. Big Tech doesn’t distinguish between Democrats or Republicans — just those in power who can assist them in profiting. In Colorado, Democratic Governor Jared Polis, a previous tech entrepreneur, vetoed SB25-086, a bill designed to shield children from online predators. Big Tech subsequently rallied gun lobby groups to persuade just enough Republicans to prevent an override.

Big Tech wants us to think collaboration is extinct. But that’s not the case. The 91-3 Senate vote on KOSA confirms that. So do bipartisan initiatives from Senators Marsha Blackburn and Richard Blumenthal, Josh Hawley and Ed Markey, Lindsey Graham and Amy Klobuchar. Leaders from both parties have united to confront Big Tech’s unchecked authority. They’ve debated, amended, and reached compromises — all to enact a bill that could save lives.

We cannot allow these companies to undermine that delicate progress. The risks are too significant.

Back on that sweltering day in D.C., Jennie DeSerio and Amy Neville turned the corner near LMG and me. Jennie and Amy are two parents from opposing political factions, bonded by grief and purpose. Jennie lost her son, Mason, who was subjected to suicide-related content on TikTok. Amy lost her son, Alexander, due to a counterfeit pill sold on Snapchat. The mothers had just come from the FTC workshop.